fbpx
Wikipedia

State (polity)

"The state" redirects here. For other uses, see State (disambiguation).
This article is about the general definition of state. It is not to be confused with sovereign state or country.

A state is a polity under a system of governance with a monopoly on force. There is no undisputed definition of a state. A widely used definition from the German sociologist Max Weber is that a "state" is a polity that maintains a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence, although other definitions are not uncommon. A state is not synonymous with a government, as stateless governments like the Iroquois Confederacy exist.

The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan

Some states are sovereign (known as sovereign states), while others are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony, wherein supreme authority lies in another state.

In a federal union, the term "state" is sometimes used to refer to the federated polities that make up the federation. (Other terms that are used in such federal systems may include “province”, “region” or other terms.)

Most of the human population has existed within a state system for millennia; however, for most of prehistory people lived in stateless societies. The earliest forms of states arose about 5,500 years ago in conjunction with rapid growth of cities, invention of writing and codification of new forms of religion. Over time, a variety of different forms developed, employing a variety of justifications for their existence (such as divine right, the theory of the social contract, etc.). Today, the modern nation state is the predominant form of state to which people are subject.

Contents

The word state and its cognates in some other European languages (stato in Italian, estado in Spanish and Portuguese, état in French, Staat in German) ultimately derive from the Latin word status, meaning "condition, circumstances".

The English noun state in the generic sense "condition, circumstances" predates the political sense. It was introduced to Middle English c. 1200 both from Old French and directly from Latin.

With the revival of the Roman law in 14th-century Europe, the term came to refer to the legal standing of persons (such as the various "estates of the realm" – noble, common, and clerical), and in particular the special status of the king. The highest estates, generally those with the most wealth and social rank, were those that held power. The word also had associations with Roman ideas (dating back to Cicero) about the "status rei publicae", the "condition of public matters". In time, the word lost its reference to particular social groups and became associated with the legal order of the entire society and the apparatus of its enforcement.

The early 16th-century works of Machiavelli (especially The Prince) played a central role in popularizing the use of the word "state" in something similar to its modern sense. The contrasting of church and state still dates to the 16th century. The North American colonies were called "states" as early as the 1630s.[citation needed] The expression l'Etat, c'est moi ("I am the State") attributed to Louis XIV, although probably apocryphal, is recorded in the late 18th century.

There is no academic consensus on the most appropriate definition of the state. The term "state" refers to a set of different, but interrelated and often overlapping, theories about a certain range of political phenomena. The act of defining the term can be seen as part of an ideological conflict, because different definitions lead to different theories of state function, and as a result validate different political strategies. According to Jeffrey and Painter, "if we define the 'essence' of the state in one place or era, we are liable to find that in another time or space something which is also understood to be a state has different 'essential' characteristics".

Different definitions of the state often place an emphasis either on the ‘means’ or the ‘ends’ of states. Means-related definitions include those by Max Weber and Charles Tilly, both of whom define the state according to its violent means. For Weber, the state "is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory" (Politics as a Vocation), while Tilly characterizes them as "coercion-wielding organisations" (Coercion, Capital, and European States).

Ends-related definitions emphasize instead the teleological aims and purposes of the state. Marxist thought regards the ends of the state as being the perpetuation of class domination in favor of the ruling class which, under the capitalist mode of production, is the bourgeoisie. The state exists to defend the ruling class' claims to private property and its capturing of surplus profits at the expense of the proletariat. Indeed, Marx claimed that "the executive of the modern state is nothing but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie" (Communist Manifesto).

Liberal thought provides another possible teleology of the state. According to John Locke, the goal of the state or commonwealth is "the preservation of property" (Second Treatise on Government), with 'property' in Locke's work referring not only to personal possessions but also to one's life and liberty. On this account, the state provides the basis for social cohesion and productivity, creating incentives for wealth-creation by providing guarantees of protection for one's life, liberty and personal property. Provision of public goods is considered by some such as Adam Smith as a central function of the state, since these goods would otherwise be underprovided.

The most commonly used definition is Max Weber's, which describes the state as a compulsory political organization with a centralized government that maintains a monopoly of the legitimate use of force within a certain territory. While economic and political philosophers have contested the monopolistic tendency of states, Robert Nozick argues that the use of force naturally tends towards monopoly.

Another commonly accepted definition of the state is the one given at the Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States in 1933. It provides that "[t]he state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: (a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) capacity to enter into relations with the other states." And that "[t]he federal state shall constitute a sole person in the eyes of international law."

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a state is "a. an organized political community under one government; a commonwealth; a nation. b. such a community forming part of a federal republic, esp the United States of America".

Confounding the definition problem is that "state" and "government" are often used as synonyms in common conversation and even some academic discourse. According to this definition schema, the states are nonphysical persons of international law, governments are organizations of people. The relationship between a government and its state is one of representation and authorized agency.

Types of states

States may be classified by political philosophers as sovereign if they are not dependent on, or subject to any other power or state. Other states are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony where ultimate sovereignty lies in another state. Many states are federated states which participate in a federal union. A federated state is a territorial and constitutional community forming part of a federation. (Compare confederacies or confederations such as Switzerland.) Such states differ from sovereign states in that they have transferred a portion of their sovereign powers to a federal government.

One can commonly and sometimes readily (but not necessarily usefully) classify states according to their apparent make-up or focus. The concept of the nation-state, theoretically or ideally co-terminous with a "nation", became very popular by the 20th century in Europe, but occurred rarely elsewhere or at other times. In contrast, some states have sought to make a virtue of their multi-ethnic or multinational character (Habsburg Austria-Hungary, for example, or the Soviet Union), and have emphasised unifying characteristics such as autocracy, monarchical legitimacy, or ideology. Other states, often fascist or authoritarian ones, promoted state-sanctioned notions of racial superiority. Other states may bring ideas of commonality and inclusiveness to the fore: note the res publica of ancient Rome and the Rzeczpospolita of Poland-Lithuania which finds echoes in the modern-day republic. The concept of temple states centred on religious shrines occurs in some discussions of the ancient world. Relatively small city-states, once a relatively common and often successful form of polity, have become rarer and comparatively less prominent in modern times. Modern-day independent city-states include Vatican City, Monaco, and Singapore. Other city-states survive as federated states, like the present day German city-states, or as otherwise autonomous entities with limited sovereignty, like Hong Kong, Gibraltar and Ceuta. To some extent, urban secession, the creation of a new city-state (sovereign or federated), continues to be discussed in the early 21st century in cities such as London.

State and government

See also: Government

A state can be distinguished from a government. The state is the organization while the government is the particular group of people, the administrative bureaucracy that controls the state apparatus at a given time. That is, governments are the means through which state power is employed. States are served by a continuous succession of different governments. States are immaterial and nonphysical social objects, whereas governments are groups of people with certain coercive powers.

Each successive government is composed of a specialized and privileged body of individuals, who monopolize political decision-making, and are separated by status and organization from the population as a whole.

States and nation-states

See also: Nation-state

States can also be distinguished from the concept of a "nation", where "nation" refers to a cultural-political community of people. A nation-state refers to a situation where a single ethnicity is associated with a specific state.

State and civil society

In the classical thought, the state was identified with both political society and civil society as a form of political community, while the modern thought distinguished the nation state as a political society from civil society as a form of economic society. Thus in the modern thought the state is contrasted with civil society.

Antonio Gramsci believed that civil society is the primary locus of political activity because it is where all forms of "identity formation, ideological struggle, the activities of intellectuals, and the construction of hegemony take place." and that civil society was the nexus connecting the economic and political sphere. Arising out of the collective actions of civil society is what Gramsci calls "political society", which Gramsci differentiates from the notion of the state as a polity. He stated that politics was not a "one-way process of political management" but, rather, that the activities of civil organizations conditioned the activities of political parties and state institutions, and were conditioned by them in turn. Louis Althusser argued that civil organizations such as church, schools, and the family are part of an "ideological state apparatus" which complements the "repressive state apparatus" (such as police and military) in reproducing social relations.

Jürgen Habermas spoke of a public sphere that was distinct from both the economic and political sphere.

Given the role that many social groups have in the development of public policy and the extensive connections between state bureaucracies and other institutions, it has become increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries of the state. Privatization, nationalization, and the creation of new regulatory bodies also change the boundaries of the state in relation to society. Often the nature of quasi-autonomous organizations is unclear, generating debate among political scientists on whether they are part of the state or civil society. Some political scientists thus prefer to speak of policy networks and decentralized governance in modern societies rather than of state bureaucracies and direct state control over policy.

State symbols

See also: National symbol

The earliest forms of the state emerged whenever it became possible to centralize power in a durable way. Agriculture and a settled population have been attributed as necessary conditions to form states. Certain types of agriculture are more conducive to state formation, such as grain (wheat, barley, millet), because they are suited to concentrated production, taxation, and storage. Agriculture and writing are almost everywhere associated with this process: agriculture because it allowed for the emergence of a social class of people who did not have to spend most of their time providing for their own subsistence, and writing (or an equivalent of writing, like Inca quipus) because it made possible the centralization of vital information. Bureaucratization made expansion over large territories possible.

The first known states were created in the Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes. It is only in relatively modern times that states have almost completely displaced alternative "stateless" forms of political organization of societies all over the planet. Roving bands of hunter-gatherers and even fairly sizable and complex tribal societies based on herding or agriculture have existed without any full-time specialized state organization, and these "stateless" forms of political organization have in fact prevailed for all of the prehistory and much of the history of the human species and civilization.

The primary competing organizational forms to the state were religious organizations (such as the Church), and city republics.

Since the late 19th century, virtually the entirety of the world's inhabitable land has been parcelled up into areas with more or less definite borders claimed by various states. Earlier, quite large land areas had been either unclaimed or uninhabited, or inhabited by nomadic peoples who were not organised as states. However, even within present-day states there are vast areas of wilderness, like the Amazon rainforest, which are uninhabited or inhabited solely or mostly by indigenous people (and some of them remain uncontacted). Also, there are so-called "failed states" which do not hold de facto control over all of their claimed territory or where this control is challenged. Currently the international community comprises around 200 sovereign states, the vast majority of which are represented in the United Nations.[citation needed]

Pre-historic stateless societies

Main article: Stateless societies

For most of human history, people have lived in stateless societies, characterized by a lack of concentrated authority, and the absence of large inequalities in economic and political power.

The anthropologist Tim Ingold writes:

It is not enough to observe, in a now rather dated anthropological idiom, that hunter gatherers live in 'stateless societies', as though their social lives were somehow lacking or unfinished, waiting to be completed by the evolutionary development of a state apparatus. Rather, the principal of their socialty, as Pierre Clastres has put it, is fundamentally against the state.

Neolithic period

Further information: Neolithic and Copper Age state societies

During the Neolithic period, human societies underwent major cultural and economic changes, including the development of agriculture, the formation of sedentary societies and fixed settlements, increasing population densities, and the use of pottery and more complex tools.

Sedentary agriculture led to the development of property rights, domestication of plants and animals, and larger family sizes. It also provided the basis for the centralized state form by producing a large surplus of food, which created a more complex division of labor by enabling people to specialize in tasks other than food production. Early states were characterized by highly stratified societies, with a privileged and wealthy ruling class that was subordinate to a monarch. The ruling classes began to differentiate themselves through forms of architecture and other cultural practices that were different from those of the subordinate laboring classes.

In the past, it was suggested that the centralized state was developed to administer large public works systems (such as irrigation systems) and to regulate complex economies. However, modern archaeological and anthropological evidence does not support this thesis, pointing to the existence of several non-stratified and politically decentralized complex societies.

Ancient Eurasia

Mesopotamia is generally considered to be the location of the earliest civilization or complex society, meaning that it contained cities, full-time division of labor, social concentration of wealth into capital, unequal distribution of wealth, ruling classes, community ties based on residency rather than kinship, long distance trade, monumental architecture, standardized forms of art and culture, writing, and mathematics and science. It was the world's first literate civilization, and formed the first sets of written laws.

Classical antiquity

Painting of Roman Senators encircling Julius Caesar

Although state-forms existed before the rise of the Ancient Greek empire, the Greeks were the first people known to have explicitly formulated a political philosophy of the state, and to have rationally analyzed political institutions. Prior to this, states were described and justified in terms of religious myths.

Several important political innovations of classical antiquity came from the Greek city-states and the Roman Republic. The Greek city-states before the 4th century granted citizenship rights to their free population, and in Athens these rights were combined with a directly democratic form of government that was to have a long afterlife in political thought and history.

Feudal state

See also: Feudalism and Middle Ages

During Medieval times in Europe, the state was organized on the principle of feudalism, and the relationship between lord and vassal became central to social organization. Feudalism led to the development of greater social hierarchies.

The formalization of the struggles over taxation between the monarch and other elements of society (especially the nobility and the cities) gave rise to what is now called the Standestaat, or the state of Estates, characterized by parliaments in which key social groups negotiated with the king about legal and economic matters. These estates of the realm sometimes evolved in the direction of fully-fledged parliaments, but sometimes lost out in their struggles with the monarch, leading to greater centralization of lawmaking and military power in his hands. Beginning in the 15th century, this centralizing process gives rise to the absolutist state.

Modern state

Cultural and national homogenization figured prominently in the rise of the modern state system. Since the absolutist period, states have largely been organized on a national basis. The concept of a national state, however, is not synonymous with nation state. Even in the most ethnically homogeneous societies there is not always a complete correspondence between state and nation, hence the active role often taken by the state to promote nationalism through emphasis on shared symbols and national identity.

Charles Tilly argues that the number of total states in Western Europe declined rapidly from the Late Middle Ages to Early Modern Era during a process of state formation. Other research has disputed whether such a decline took place.

According to Hendrik Spruyt, the modern state is different from its predecessor polities in two main aspects: (1) Modern states have greater capacity to intervene in their societies, and (2) Modern states are buttressed by the principle of international legal sovereignty and the juridicial equivalence of states. The two features began to emerge in the Late Middle Ages but the modern state form took centuries to come firmly into fruition. Other aspects of modern states is that they tend to be organized as unified national polities, and that they have rational-legal bureaucracies.

Sovereign equality did not become fully global until after World War II amid decolonization. Adom Getachew writes that it was not until the 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples that the international legal context for popular sovereignty was instituted.

Earliest states

Theories for the emergence of the earliest states emphasize grain agriculture and settled populations as necessary conditions. Some argue that climate change led to a greater concentration of human populations around dwindling waterways.

Modern state

Hendrik Spruyt distinguishes between three prominent categories of explanations for the emergence of the modern state as a dominant polity: (1) Security-based explanations that emphasize the role of warfare, (2) Economy-based explanations that emphasize trade, property rights and capitalism as drivers behind state formation, and (3) Institutionalist theories that sees the state as an organizational form that is better able to resolve conflict and cooperation problems than competing political organizations.

According to Philip Gorski and Vivek Swaroop Sharma, the "neo-Darwinian" framework for the emergence of sovereign states is the dominant explanation in the scholarship. The neo-Darwininian framework emphasizes how the modern state emerged as the dominant organizational form through natural selection and competition.

Most political theories of the state can roughly be classified into two categories. The first are known as "liberal" or "conservative" theories, which treat capitalism as a given, and then concentrate on the function of states in capitalist society. These theories tend to see the state as a neutral entity separated from society and the economy. Marxist and anarchist theories on the other hand, see politics as intimately tied in with economic relations, and emphasize the relation between economic power and political power. They see the state as a partisan instrument that primarily serves the interests of the upper class.

Anarchist perspective

Main article: Anarchism
IWW poster "Pyramid of Capitalist System" (c. 1911), depicting an anti-capitalist perspective on statist/capitalist social structures

Anarchism is a political philosophy which considers the state and hierarchies to be unnecessary and harmful and instead promotes a stateless society, or anarchy, a self-managed, self-governed society based on voluntary, cooperative institutions.

Anarchists believe that the state is inherently an instrument of domination and repression, no matter who is in control of it. Anarchists note that the state possesses the monopoly on the legal use of violence. Unlike Marxists, anarchists believe that revolutionary seizure of state power should not be a political goal. They believe instead that the state apparatus should be completely dismantled, and an alternative set of social relations created, which are not based on state power at all.

Various Christian anarchists, such as Jacques Ellul, have identified the State and political power as the Beast in the Book of Revelation.

Anarcho-capitalist perspective

Main article: Anarcho-capitalism

Anarcho-capitalists such as Murray Rothbard come to some of the same conclusions about the state apparatus as anarchists, but for different reasons. The two principles that anarchists rely on most are consent and non-initiation. Consent in anarcho-capitalist theory requires that individuals explicitly assent to the jurisdiction of the State excluding Lockean tacit consent. Consent may also create a right of secession which destroys any concept of government monopoly on force. Coercive monopolies are excluded by the non-initiation of force principle because they must use force in order to prevent others from offering the same service that they do. Anarcho-capitalists start from the belief that replacing monopolistic states with competitive providers is necessary from a normative, justice-based scenario.

Anarcho-capitalists believe that the market values of competition and privatization can better provide the services provided by the state. Murray Rothbard argues in Power and Market that any and all government functions could better be fulfilled by private actors including: defense, infrastructure, and legal adjudication.

Marxist perspective

Marx and Engels were clear in that the communist goal was a classless society in which the state would have "withered away", replaced only by "administration of things". Their views are found throughout their Collected Works, and address past or then extant state forms from an analytical and tactical viewpoint, but not future social forms, speculation about which is generally antithetical to groups considering themselves Marxist but who – not having conquered the existing state power(s) – are not in the situation of supplying the institutional form of an actual society. To the extent that it makes sense, there is no single "Marxist theory of state", but rather several different purportedly "Marxist" theories have been developed by adherents of Marxism.

Marx's early writings portrayed the bourgeois state as parasitic, built upon the superstructure of the economy, and working against the public interest. He also wrote that the state mirrors class relations in society in general, acting as a regulator and repressor of class struggle, and as a tool of political power and domination for the ruling class. The Communist Manifesto claimed that the state to be nothing more than "a committee for managing the common affairs of the bourgeoisie.”

For Marxist theorists, the role of the modern bourgeois state is determined by its function in the global capitalist order. Ralph Miliband argued that the ruling class uses the state as its instrument to dominate society by virtue of the interpersonal ties between state officials and economic elites. For Miliband, the state is dominated by an elite that comes from the same background as the capitalist class. State officials therefore share the same interests as owners of capital and are linked to them through a wide array of social, economic, and political ties.

Gramsci's theories of state emphasized that the state is only one of the institutions in society that helps maintain the hegemony of the ruling class, and that state power is bolstered by the ideological domination of the institutions of civil society, such as churches, schools, and mass media.

Pluralism

See also: Polyarchy

Pluralists view society as a collection of individuals and groups, who are competing for political power. They then view the state as a neutral body that simply enacts the will of whichever groups dominate the electoral process. Within the pluralist tradition, Robert Dahl developed the theory of the state as a neutral arena for contending interests or its agencies as simply another set of interest groups. With power competitively arranged in society, state policy is a product of recurrent bargaining. Although pluralism recognizes the existence of inequality, it asserts that all groups have an opportunity to pressure the state. The pluralist approach suggests that the modern democratic state's actions are the result of pressures applied by a variety of organized interests. Dahl called this kind of state a polyarchy.

Pluralism has been challenged on the ground that it is not supported by empirical evidence. Citing surveys showing that the large majority of people in high leadership positions are members of the wealthy upper class, critics of pluralism claim that the state serves the interests of the upper class rather than equitably serving the interests of all social groups.

Contemporary critical perspectives

Jürgen Habermas believed that the base-superstructure framework, used by many Marxist theorists to describe the relation between the state and the economy, was overly simplistic. He felt that the modern state plays a large role in structuring the economy, by regulating economic activity and being a large-scale economic consumer/producer, and through its redistributive welfare state activities. Because of the way these activities structure the economic framework, Habermas felt that the state cannot be looked at as passively responding to economic class interests.

Michel Foucault believed that modern political theory was too state-centric, saying "Maybe, after all, the state is no more than a composite reality and a mythologized abstraction, whose importance is a lot more limited than many of us think." He thought that political theory was focusing too much on abstract institutions, and not enough on the actual practices of government. In Foucault's opinion, the state had no essence. He believed that instead of trying to understand the activities of governments by analyzing the properties of the state (a reified abstraction), political theorists should be examining changes in the practice of government to understand changes in the nature of the state. Foucault developed the concept of governmentality while considering the genealogy of state, and considers the way in which an individuals understanding governance can influence the function of the state.: 15

Foucault argues that it is technology that has created and made the state so elusive and successful, and that instead of looking at the state as something to be toppled we should look at the state as technological manifestation or system with many heads; Foucault argues instead of something to be overthrown as in the sense of the Marxist and Anarchist understanding of the state. Every single scientific technological advance has come to the service of the state Foucault argues and it is with the emergence of the Mathematical sciences and essentially the formation of Mathematical statistics that one gets an understanding of the complex technology of producing how the modern state was so successfully created. Foucault insists that the Nation state was not a historical accident but a deliberate production in which the modern state had to now manage coincidentally with the emerging practice of the Police (Cameral science) 'allowing' the population to now 'come in' into jus gentium and civitas (Civil society) after deliberately being excluded for several millennia. Democracy wasn't (the newly formed voting franchise) as is always painted by both political revolutionaries and political philosophers as a cry for political freedom or wanting to be accepted by the 'ruling elite', Foucault insists, but was a part of a skilled endeavour of switching over new technology such as; Translatio imperii, Plenitudo potestatis and extra Ecclesiam nulla salus readily available from the past Medieval period, into mass persuasion for the future industrial 'political' population(deception over the population) in which the political population was now asked to insist upon itself "the president must be elected". Where these political symbol agents, represented by the pope and the president are now democratised. Foucault calls these new forms of technology Biopower and form part of our political inheritance which he calls Biopolitics.

Heavily influenced by Gramsci, Nicos Poulantzas, a Greek neo-Marxist theorist argued that capitalist states do not always act on behalf of the ruling class, and when they do, it is not necessarily the case because state officials consciously strive to do so, but because the 'structural' position of the state is configured in such a way to ensure that the long-term interests of capital are always dominant. Poulantzas' main contribution to the Marxist literature on the state was the concept of 'relative autonomy' of the state. While Poulantzas' work on 'state autonomy' has served to sharpen and specify a great deal of Marxist literature on the state, his own framework came under criticism for its 'structural functionalism'.[citation needed]

Structural universe of the state or structural reality of the state

It can be considered as a single structural universe: the historical reality that takes shape in societies characterized by a codified or crystallized right, with a power organized hierarchically and justified by the law that gives it authority, with a well-defined social and economic stratification, with an economic and social organization that gives the society precise organic characteristics, with one (or multiple) religious organizations, in justification of the power expressed by such a society and in support of the religious beliefs of individuals and accepted by society as a whole. Such a structural universe, evolves in a cyclical manner, presenting two different historical phases (a mercantile phase, or “open society”, and a feudal phase or “closed society”), with characteristics so divergent that it can qualify as two different levels of civilization which, however, are never definitive, but that alternate cyclically, being able, each of the two different levels, to be considered progressive (in a partisan way, totally independent of the real value of well-being, degrees of freedom granted, equality realized and a concrete possibility to achieve further progress of the level of civilization), even by the most cultured fractions, educated and intellectually more equipped than the various societies, of both historical phases.

State autonomy within institutionalism

Main article: New institutionalism

State autonomy theorists believe that the state is an entity that is impervious to external social and economic influence, and has interests of its own.

"New institutionalist" writings on the state, such as the works of Theda Skocpol, suggest that state actors are to an important degree autonomous. In other words, state personnel have interests of their own, which they can and do pursue independently of (at times in conflict with) actors in society. Since the state controls the means of coercion, and given the dependence of many groups in civil society on the state for achieving any goals they may espouse, state personnel can to some extent impose their own preferences on civil society.

States generally rely on a claim to some form of political legitimacy in order to maintain domination over their subjects.

Social Contract Theory

Main article: Social contract

Various social contract theories have been proffered to establish state legitimacy and to explain state formation. Common elements in these theories are a state of nature that incentivizes people to seek out the establishment of a state. Thomas Hobbes described the state of nature as "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" (Leviathan, Chapters XIII–XIV). Locke takes a more benign view of the state of nature and is unwilling to take as hard a stance on the degeneracy of the state of nature. He does agree that it is equally incapable of providing a high quality of life. Locke argues for inalienable human rights. One of the most significant rights for Locke was the right to property. He viewed it as a keystone right that was inadequately protected in the state of nature. Social contract theorists frequently argue for some level of natural rights. In order to protect their ability to exercise these rights, they are willing to give up some other rights to the state to allow it to establish governance.[citation needed] Social contract theory then basis government legitimacy on the consent of the governed, but such legitimacy only extends as far as the governed have consented. This line of reasoning figures prominently in The United States Declaration of Independence.

Divine right of kings

Main article: Divine right of kings

The rise of the modern day state system was closely related to changes in political thought, especially concerning the changing understanding of legitimate state power and control. Early modern defenders of absolutism (Absolute monarchy), such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean Bodin undermined the doctrine of the divine right of kings by arguing that the power of kings should be justified by reference to the people. Hobbes in particular went further to argue that political power should be justified with reference to the individual (Hobbes wrote in the time of the English Civil War), not just to the people understood collectively. Both Hobbes and Bodin thought they were defending the power of kings, not advocating for democracy, but their arguments about the nature of sovereignty were fiercely resisted by more traditional defenders of the power of kings, such as Sir Robert Filmer in England, who thought that such defenses ultimately opened the way to more democratic claims.[citation needed]

Rational-legal authority

Max Weber identified three main sources of political legitimacy in his works. The first, legitimacy based on traditional grounds is derived from a belief that things should be as they have been in the past, and that those who defend these traditions have a legitimate claim to power. The second, legitimacy based on charismatic leadership, is devotion to a leader or group that is viewed as exceptionally heroic or virtuous. The third is rational-legal authority, whereby legitimacy is derived from the belief that a certain group has been placed in power in a legal manner, and that their actions are justifiable according to a specific code of written laws. Weber believed that the modern state is characterized primarily by appeals to rational-legal authority.

Main article: Failed state

Some states are often labeled as "weak" or "failed". In David Samuels's words "...a failed state occurs when sovereignty over claimed territory has collapsed or was never effectively at all". Authors like Samuels and Joel S. Migdal have explored the emergence of weak states, how they are different from Western "strong" states and its consequences to the economic development of developing countries.

Early state formation

To understand the formation of weak states, Samuels compares the formation of European states in the 1600s with the conditions under which more recent states were formed in the twentieth century. In this line of argument, the state allows a population to resolve a collective action problem, in which citizens recognize the authority of the state and this exercise the power of coercion over them. This kind of social organization required a decline in legitimacy of traditional forms of ruling (like religious authorities) and replaced them with an increase in the legitimacy of depersonalized rule; an increase in the central government's sovereignty; and an increase in the organizational complexity of the central government (bureaucracy).

The transition to this modern state was possible in Europe around 1600 thanks to the confluence of factors like the technological developments in warfare, which generated strong incentives to tax and consolidate central structures of governance to respond to external threats. This was complemented by the increasing on the production of food (as a result of productivity improvements), which allowed to sustain a larger population and so increased the complexity and centralization of states. Finally, cultural changes challenged the authority of monarchies and paved the way to the emergence of modern states.

Late state formation

The conditions that enabled the emergence of modern states in Europe were different for other countries that started this process later. As a result, many of these states lack effective capabilities to tax and extract revenue from their citizens, which derives in problems like corruption, tax evasion and low economic growth. Unlike the European case, late state formation occurred in a context of limited international conflict that diminished the incentives to tax and increase military spending. Also, many of these states emerged from colonization in a state of poverty and with institutions designed to extract natural resources, which have made more difficult to form states. European colonization also defined many arbitrary borders that mixed different cultural groups under the same national identities, which has made difficult to build states with legitimacy among all the population, since some states have to compete for it with other forms of political identity.

As a complement of this argument, Migdal gives a historical account on how sudden social changes in the Third World during the Industrial Revolution contributed to the formation of weak states. The expansion of international trade that started around 1850, brought profound changes in Africa, Asia and Latin America that were introduced with the objective of assure the availability of raw materials for the European market. These changes consisted in: i) reforms to landownership laws with the objective of integrate more lands to the international economy, ii) increase in the taxation of peasants and little landowners, as well as collecting of these taxes in cash instead of in kind as was usual up to that moment and iii) the introduction of new and less costly modes of transportation, mainly railroads. As a result, the traditional forms of social control became obsolete, deteriorating the existing institutions and opening the way to the creation of new ones, that not necessarily lead these countries to build strong states. This fragmentation of the social order induced a political logic in which these states were captured to some extent by "strongmen", who were capable to take advantage of the above-mentioned changes and that challenge the sovereignty of the state. As a result, these decentralization of social control impedes to consolidate strong states.

Notes

  1. Cudworth et al., 2007: p. 1
  2. Barrow, 1993: pp. 9–10
  3. Cudworth et al., 2007: p. 95
  4. Salmon, 2008: p. 54 Archived 15 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  5. "Stateless Society | Encyclopedia.com". www.encyclopedia.com.
  6. Marek, Krystyna (1954). Identity and Continuity of States in Public International Law. Library Droz. p. 178. ISBN 978-2-600-04044-0. It has been thought necessary to quote the Lytton Report at such length since it is probably the fullest and most exhaustive description of an allegedly independent, by 'actually' dependent, i.e. Puppet State
  7. Wimmer, Andreas; Feinstein, Yuval (2010). "The Rise of the Nation-State across the World, 1816 to 2001". American Sociological Review. 75 (5): 764–790. doi:10.1177/0003122410382639. ISSN 0003-1224. S2CID 10075481. This global outcome—the almost universal adoption of the nation-state form
  8. Skinner, 1989:[page needed]
  9. Bobbio, 1989: pp.57–58 Archived 30 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  10. C. D. Erhard, Betrachtungen über Leopolds des Weisen Gesetzgebung in Toscana, Richter, 1791, p. 30 Archived 19 January 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Recognized as apocryphal in the early 19th century. Jean Etienne François Marignié, The king can do no wrong: Le roi ne peut jamais avoit tort, le roi ne peut mal faire, Le Normant, 1818 p. 12 Archived 19 January 2018 at the Wayback Machine.
  11. Barrow, 1993: pp. 10–11
  12. Painter, Joe; Jeffrey, Alex (2009). Political Geography (2nd ed.). London: Sagr Publications Ltd. p. 21. ISBN 978-1-4129-0138-3.
  13. Smith, Adam (1776). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations.
  14. Dubreuil, Benoít (2010). Human Evolution and the Origins of Hierarchies: The State of Nature. Cambridge University Press. p. 189. ISBN 978-0-521-76948-8. Archived from the original on 4 May 2016.
  15. Gordon, Scott (2002). Controlling the State: Constitutionalism from Ancient Athens to Today. Harvard University Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-674-00977-6. Archived from the original on 3 May 2016.
  16. Hay, Colin (2001). Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy. New York: Routledge. pp. 1469–1474. ISBN 0-415-14532-5. Archived from the original on 3 May 2016.
  17. Donovan, John C. (1993). People, power, and politics: an introduction to political science. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-8226-3025-8. Archived from the original on 8 May 2016.
  18. Shaw, Martin (2003). War and genocide: organized killing in modern society. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-7456-1907-1. Archived from the original on 3 June 2016.
  19. Holcombe, Randall (2004). "Government: Unnecessary but Inevitable"(PDF). The Independent Review. VIII (3): 325–342.
  20. Nozick, Robert (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 063119780X.
  21. Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention.
  22. Article 2 of the Montevideo Convention.
  23. Thompson, Della, ed. (1995). "state". Concise Oxford English Dictionary (9th ed.). Oxford University Press. 3 (also State) a an organized political community under one government; a commonwealth; a nation. b such a community forming part of a federal republic, esp the United States of America
  24. Robinson, E. H. 2013. The Distinction Between State and Government Archived 2 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine. The Geography Compass 7(8): pp. 556–566.
  25. Crawford, J. (2007) The Creation of States in International Law. Oxford University Press.
  26. The Australian National Dictionary: Fourth Edition, p. 1395. (2004) Canberra. ISBN 0-19-551771-7.
  27. Longerich, Peter (2010). Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280436-5.
  28. For example: Pastor, Jack (1997). "3: The Early Hellenistic Period". Land and Economy in Ancient Palestine. London: Routledge (published 2013). p. 32. ISBN 978-1-134-72264-8. Archived from the original on 19 December 2016. Retrieved14 February 2017. The idea of Jerusalem as a temple state is an analogy to the temple states of Asia Minor and the Seleucid Empire, but it is an inappropriate analogy. [...] Rostovtzeff referred to Judea as a sort of temple state, notwithstanding his own definition that stipulates ownership of territory and state organization. [...] Hengel also claims that Judea was a temple state, ignoring his own evidence that the Ptolemies hardly would have tolerated such a situation.
  29. Athens, Carthage, Rome, Novgorod, Pskov, Hamburg, Bremen, Frankfurt, Lübeck, Florence, Pisa, Genoa, Venice, Danzig, Fiume, Dubrovnik.
  30. Bealey, Frank, ed. (1999). "government". The Blackwell dictionary of political science: a user's guide to its terms. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 147. ISBN 978-0-631-20695-8. Archived from the original on 16 May 2016.
  31. Sartwell, 2008: p. 25 Archived 23 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  32. Flint & Taylor, 2007: p. 137
  33. Robinson, E.H. 2013. The Distinction Between State and Government. Archived 2 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine The Geography Compass 7(8): pp. 556–566.
  34. Zaleski, Pawel (2008). "Tocqueville on Civilian Society. A Romantic Vision of the Dichotomic Structure of Social Reality". Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte. Felix Meiner Verlag. 50.
  35. Ehrenberg, John (1999). "Civil Society and the State".Civil society: the critical history of an idea. NYU Press. p. 109. ISBN 978-0-8147-2207-7.
  36. Kaviraj, Sudipta (2001). "In search of civil society". In Kaviraj, Sudipta; Khilnani, Sunil (eds.). Civil society: history and possibilities. Cambridge University Press. pp. 291–293. ISBN 978-0-521-00290-5. Archived from the original on 1 May 2016.
  37. Reeve, Andrew (2001). "Civil society". In Jones, R.J. Barry (ed.). Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy: Entries P–Z. Taylor & Francis. pp. 158–160. ISBN 978-0-415-24352-0. Archived from the original on 23 June 2016.
  38. Sassoon, Anne Showstack (2000). Gramsci and contemporary politics: beyond pessimism of the intellect. Psychology Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-415-16214-2. Archived from the original on 3 May 2016.
  39. Augelli, Enrico & Murphy, Craig N. (1993). "Gramsci and international relations: a general perspective with examples from recent US policy towards the Third World". In Gill, Stephen (ed.). Gramsci, historical materialism and international relations. Cambridge University Press. p. 129. ISBN 978-0-521-43523-9. Archived from the original on 2 May 2016.
  40. Ferretter, Luke (2006). Louis Althusser. Taylor & Francis. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-415-32731-2.
  41. Flecha, Ramon (2009). "The Educative City and Critical Education". In Apple, Michael W.; et al. (eds.). The Routledge international handbook of critical education. Taylor & Francis. p. 330. ISBN 978-0-415-95861-5.
  42. Malešević, 2002: p. 16 Archived 23 July 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  43. Morrow, Raymond Allen & Torres, Carlos Alberto (2002).Reading Freire and Habermas: critical pedagogy and transformative social change. Teacher's College Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-8077-4202-0.
  44. Kjaer, Anne Mette (2004). Governance. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-7456-2979-7. Archived from the original on 11 June 2016. --[page needed]
  45. Scott, James C. (2017). Against the Grain: A Deep History of the Earliest States. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-18291-0. JSTOR j.ctv1bvnfk9.
  46. Carneiro, Robert L. (1970). "A Theory of the Origin of the State". Science. 169 (3947): 733–738. Bibcode:1970Sci...169..733C. doi:10.1126/science.169.3947.733. ISSN 0036-8075. JSTOR 1729765. PMID 17820299. S2CID 11536431.
  47. Allen, Robert C. (1 April 1997). "Agriculture and the Origins of the State in Ancient Egypt". Explorations in Economic History. 34 (2): 135–154. doi:10.1006/exeh.1997.0673. ISSN 0014-4983.
  48. Borcan, Oana; Olsson, Ola; Putterman, Louis (2021). "Transition to agriculture and first state presence: A global analysis". Explorations in Economic History: 101404. doi:10.1016/j.eeh.2021.101404. hdl:2077/57593. ISSN 0014-4983. S2CID 236427239.
  49. Ahmed, Ali T.; Stasavage, David (May 2020). "Origins of Early Democracy". American Political Science Review. 114 (2): 502–518. doi:10.1017/S0003055419000741. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 29671869.
  50. Mayshar, Joram; Moav, Omer; Neeman, Zvika (2017). "Geography, Transparency, and Institutions". American Political Science Review. 111 (3): 622–636. doi:10.1017/S0003055417000132. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 134526725.
  51. Boix, Carles (2015). Political Order and Inequality. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-08943-3.
  52. Giddens, Anthony (1987). "The Traditional State: Domination and Military Power". Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism. II: The Nation-State and Violence. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 0-520-06039-3.
  53. Spencer, Charles S. (2010). "Territorial expansion and primary state formation". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 107 (16): 7119–7126. doi:10.1073/pnas.1002470107. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC2867764. PMID 20385804.
  54. Bagge, Sverre (2019). State Formation in Europe, 843–1789: A Divided World. Routledge. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-429-58953-9.
  55. Ingold, Tim (1999). "On the social relations of the hunter-gatherer band". In Lee, Richard B.; Daly, Richard Heywood (eds.). The Cambridge encyclopedia of hunters and gatherers. Cambridge University Press. p. 408. ISBN 978-0-521-57109-8. Archived from the original on 17 May 2016.
  56. Shaw, Ian & Jameson, Robert (2002). "Neolithic". A dictionary of archaeology (6th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. p. 423. ISBN 978-0-631-23583-5. Archived from the original on 24 April 2016.
  57. Hassan, F.A. (2007). "The Lie of History: Nation-States and the Contradictions of Complex Societies". In Costanza, Robert; et al. (eds.). Sustainability or collapse?: an integrated history and future of people on earth. MIT Press. p. 186. ISBN 978-0-262-03366-4. Archived from the original on 2 May 2016.
  58. Scott, 2009: p. 29 Archived 5 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  59. Langer, Erick D. & Stearns, Peter N. (1994). "Agricultural systems". In Stearns, Peter N. (ed.). Encyclopedia of social history. Taylor & Francis. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-8153-0342-8. Archived from the original on 4 June 2016.
  60. Cohen, Ronald (1978). "State Origins: A Reappraisal". The Early State. Walter de Gruyter. p. 36. ISBN 978-90-279-7904-9. Archived from the original on 30 April 2016.
  61. Roosevelt, Anna C. (1999). "The Maritime, Highland, Forest Dynamic and the Origins of Complex Culture". In Salomon, Frank; Schwartz, Stuart B. (eds.). Cambridge history of the Native peoples of the Americas: South America, Volume 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 266–267. ISBN 978-0-521-63075-7. Archived from the original on 24 June 2016.
  62. Mann, Michael (1986). "The emergence of stratification, states, and multi-power-actor civilization in Mesopotamia". The sources of social power: A history of power from the beginning to A. D. 1760, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-31349-0. Archived from the original on 25 April 2016.
  63. Wang, Yuhua (2021). "State-in-Society 2.0: Toward Fourth-Generation Theories of the State". Comparative Politics. doi:10.5129/001041521x16184035797221. S2CID 235847848.
  64. Yoffee, Norman (1988). "Context and Authority in Early Mesopotamian Law". In Cohen, Ronald; Toland, Judith D. (eds.). State formation and political legitimacy. Transaction Publishers. p. 95. ISBN 978-0-88738-161-4. Archived from the original on 1 May 2016.
  65. Yoffee, Norman (2005). Myths of the archaic state: evolution of the earliest cities, states and civilizations. Cambridge University Press. p. 102. ISBN 978-0-521-81837-7. Archived from the original on 11 May 2011.
  66. Nelson, 2006: p. 17 Archived 16 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  67. Jones, Rhys (2007). People/states/territories: the political geographies of British state transformation. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 52–53. ISBN 978-1-4051-4033-1. Archived from the original on 2 May 2016. ... see also pp. 54- Archived 16 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine where Jones discusses problems with common conceptions of feudalism.
  68. Poggi, G. 1978. The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
  69. Breuilly, John. 1993. Nationalism and the State Archived 1 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-7190-3800-6.
  70. Tilly, Charles (1990). Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992. Blackwell. p. 44.
  71. Abramson, Scott F. (2017). "The Economic Origins of the Territorial State". International Organization. 71 (1): 97–130. doi:10.1017/S0020818316000308. ISSN 0020-8183.
  72. Spruyt, Hendrik (2002). "The Origins, Development, and Possible Decline of the Modern State". Annual Review of Political Science. 5 (1): 127–149. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.101501.145837. ISSN 1094-2939.
  73. Thomas, George M.; Meyer, John W. (1984). "The Expansion of the State". Annual Review of Sociology. 10 (1): 461–482. doi:10.1146/annurev.so.10.080184.002333. ISSN 0360-0572.
  74. Getachew, Adom (2019). Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination. Princeton University Press. pp. 73–74. ISBN 978-0-691-17915-5. JSTOR j.ctv3znwvg.
  75. Gorski, Philip; Sharma, Vivek Swaroop (2017), Strandsbjerg, Jeppe; Kaspersen, Lars Bo (eds.), "Beyond the Tilly Thesis: "Family Values" and State Formation in Latin Christendom", Does War Make States?: Investigations of Charles Tilly's Historical Sociology, Cambridge University Press, pp. 98–124, ISBN 978-1-107-14150-6
  76. Newman, Saul (2010). The Politics of Postanarchism. Edinburgh University Press. p. 109. ISBN 978-0-7486-3495-8. Archived from the original on 29 July 2016.
  77. Roussopoulos, Dimitrios I. (1973). The political economy of the state: Québec, Canada, U.S.A. Black Rose Books. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-919618-01-5. Archived from the original on 13 May 2016.
  78. Christoyannopoulos, Alexandre (2010). Christian Anarchism: A Political Commentary on the Gospel. Exeter: Imprint Academic. pp. 123–126. Revelation
  79. Ellul, Jacques (1988). Anarchy and Christianity. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans. pp. 71–74. ISBN 9780802804952. Archived from the original on 2 November 2015. The first beast comes up from the sea...It is given 'all authority and power over every tribe, every people, every tongue, and every nation' (13:7). All who dwell on earth worship it. Political power could hardly, I think, be more expressly described, for it is this power which has authority, which controls military force, and which compels adoration (i.e., absolute obedience).
  80. Rothbard, Murray (1970). Power and Market. Institute for Humane Studies. ISBN 1-933550-05-8.
  81. Long, Roderick T. (2013). "Anarchism and the Problems of Rand and Paterson: Anarchism and the Problems of Rand and Paterson". The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies. 13 (2): 210–223. doi:10.5325/jaynrandstud.13.2.0210. ISSN 1526-1018. JSTOR 10.5325/jaynrandstud.13.2.0210.
  82. Block, Walter (2005). "Ayn Rand and Austrian Economics: Two Peas in a Pod". The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies. 6 (2): 259–269. ISSN 1526-1018. JSTOR 41560283.
  83. Frederick Engels – Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. 1880 Archived 6 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine Full Text. From Historical Materialism: "State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of processes of production. The State is not "abolished". It dies out...Socialized production upon a predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over Nature, his own master – free."
  84. Flint & Taylor, 2007: p. 139
  85. Joseph, 2004: p. 15 Archived 6 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  86. Barrow, 1993: p. 4
  87. Smith, Mark J. (2000). Rethinking state theory. Psychology Press. p. 176. ISBN 978-0-415-20892-5. Archived from the original on 3 May 2016.
  88. Miliband, Ralph. 1983. Class power and state power. London: Verso.
  89. Joseph, 2004: p. 44 Archived 29 July 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  90. Vincent, 1992: pp. 47–48 Archived 30 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  91. Dahl, Robert (1973). Modern Political Analysis. Prentice Hall. p. [page needed]. ISBN 0-13-596981-6.
  92. Cunningham, Frank (2002). Theories of democracy: a critical introduction. Psychology Press. pp. 86–87. ISBN 978-0-415-22879-4. Archived from the original on 12 May 2016.
  93. Zweigenhaft, Richard L. & Domhoff, G. William (2006). Diversity in the power elite: how it happened, why it matters (2nd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-7425-3699-9. Archived from the original on 30 April 2016.
  94. Duncan, Graeme Campbell (1989). Democracy and the capitalist state. Cambridge University Press. p. 137. ISBN 978-0-521-28062-4. Archived from the original on 25 April 2016.
  95. Edgar, Andrew (2005). The philosophy of Habermas. McGill-Queen's Press. pp. 5–6, 44. ISBN 978-0-7735-2783-6.
  96. Cook, Deborah (2004). Adorno, Habermas, and the search for a rational society. Psychology Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-415-33479-2. Archived from the original on 25 April 2016.
  97. Melossi, Dario (2006). "Michel Foucault and the Obsolescent State". In Beaulieu, Alain; Gabbard, David (eds.). Michel Foucault and power today: international multidisciplinary studies in the history of the present. Lexington Books. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-7391-1324-0. Archived from the original on 16 May 2016.
  98. Gordon, Colin (1991). "Government rationality: an introduction". In Foucault, Michel; et al. (eds.). The Foucault effect: studies in governmentality. University of Chicago Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-226-08045-1. Archived from the original on 3 May 2016.
  99. Mitchell, Timothy (2006). "Society, Economy, and the State Effect". In Sharma, Aradhana; Gupta, Akhil (eds.). The anthropology of the state: a reader. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 179. ISBN 978-1-4051-1467-7. Archived from the original on 18 May 2016.
  100. Lemke, Thomas (2011). Foucault, governmentality, and critique. Boulder, Colo.: Paradigm Publishers. ISBN 978-1-59451-637-5. OCLC 653123044.
  101. Michel, Foucault (2007). Security,Territory,Population. pp. 311–332.
  102. Michel, Foucault (2007). Security,Territory,Population. pp. 1–27.
  103. Michel, Foucault (2007). Security,Territory,Population. pp. 87–115 115–135.
  104. Giano Rocca “The Faces of Belial – The Scientific Method Applied to Human Condition – Book V” (2020) https://independent.academia.edu/GianoRocca
  105. Sklair, Leslie (2004). "Globalizing class theory". In Sinclair, Timothy (ed.). Global governance: critical concepts in political science. Taylor & Francis. pp. 139–140. ISBN 978-0-415-27665-8. Archived from the original on 19 May 2016.
  106. Rueschemeyer, Skocpol, and Evans, 1985:[page needed]
  107. Vincent, 1992: p. 43 Archived 24 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  108. Malešević, 2002: p. 85 Archived 20 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  109. Dogan, 1992: pp. 119–120 Archived 17 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  110. "Leviathan, by Thomas Hobbes". www.gutenberg.org. Retrieved19 November 2020.
  111. Locke, John (1690). Second Treatise of Government.
  112. Cox, Stephen (2013). "Rand, Paterson, and the Problem of Anarchism". The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies. 13 (1): 3–25. doi:10.5325/jaynrandstud.13.1.0003. ISSN 1526-1018. JSTOR 10.5325/jaynrandstud.13.1.0003.
  113. Wallerstein, Immanuel (1999). The end of the world as we know it: social science for the twenty-first century. University of Minnesota Press. p. 228. ISBN 978-0-8166-3398-2. Archived from the original on 28 May 2016.
  114. Collins, Randall (1986). Weberian Sociological Theory. Cambridge University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-0-521-31426-8. Archived from the original on 3 June 2016.
  115. Swedberg, Richard & Agevall, Ola (2005). The Max Weber dictionary: key words and central concepts. Stanford University Press. p. 148. ISBN 978-0-8047-5095-0. Archived from the original on 28 April 2016.
  116. Samuels, David (2012). Comparative Politics. Pearson Higher Education. p. 29.
  117. Samuels, David. Comparative Politics. Pearson Higher Education.
  118. Migdal, Joel (1988). Strong societies and weak states: state-society relations and state capabilities in the Third World. pp. Chapter 2.
  119. Migdal, Joel (1988). Strong societies and weak states: state-society relations and state capabilities in the Third World. Princeton University Press. pp. Chapter 8.

Bibliography

Look up state, estate, or status in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Quotations related to State at Wikiquote

State (polity)
State polity Language Watch Edit The state redirects here For other uses see State disambiguation This article is about the general definition of state It is not to be confused with sovereign state or country A state is a polity under a system of governance with a monopoly on force There is no undisputed definition of a state 1 2 A widely used definition from the German sociologist Max Weber is that a state is a polity that maintains a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence although other definitions are not uncommon 3 4 A state is not synonymous with a government as stateless governments like the Iroquois Confederacy exist 5 The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes Leviathan Some states are sovereign known as sovereign states while others are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony wherein supreme authority lies in another state 6 In a federal union the term state is sometimes used to refer to the federated polities that make up the federation Other terms that are used in such federal systems may include province region or other terms Most of the human population has existed within a state system for millennia however for most of prehistory people lived in stateless societies The earliest forms of states arose about 5 500 years ago in conjunction with rapid growth of cities invention of writing and codification of new forms of religion Over time a variety of different forms developed employing a variety of justifications for their existence such as divine right the theory of the social contract etc Today the modern nation state is the predominant form of state to which people are subject 7 Contents 1 Etymology 2 Definition 2 1 Types of states 2 2 State and government 2 3 States and nation states 2 4 State and civil society 2 5 State symbols 3 History 3 1 Pre historic stateless societies 3 2 Neolithic period 3 3 Ancient Eurasia 3 4 Classical antiquity 3 5 Feudal state 3 6 Modern state 4 Theories for the emergence of the state 4 1 Earliest states 4 2 Modern state 5 Theories of state function 5 1 Anarchist perspective 5 2 Anarcho capitalist perspective 5 3 Marxist perspective 5 4 Pluralism 5 5 Contemporary critical perspectives 5 6 Structural universe of the state or structural reality of the state 5 7 State autonomy within institutionalism 6 Theories of state legitimacy 6 1 Social Contract Theory 6 2 Divine right of kings 6 3 Rational legal authority 7 State failure 8 See also 9 References 9 1 Notes 9 2 Bibliography 10 Further reading 11 External linksEtymology EditThe word state and its cognates in some other European languages stato in Italian estado in Spanish and Portuguese etat in French Staat in German ultimately derive from the Latin word status meaning condition circumstances The English noun state in the generic sense condition circumstances predates the political sense It was introduced to Middle English c 1200 both from Old French and directly from Latin With the revival of the Roman law in 14th century Europe the term came to refer to the legal standing of persons such as the various estates of the realm noble common and clerical and in particular the special status of the king The highest estates generally those with the most wealth and social rank were those that held power The word also had associations with Roman ideas dating back to Cicero about the status rei publicae the condition of public matters In time the word lost its reference to particular social groups and became associated with the legal order of the entire society and the apparatus of its enforcement 8 The early 16th century works of Machiavelli especially The Prince played a central role in popularizing the use of the word state in something similar to its modern sense 9 The contrasting of church and state still dates to the 16th century The North American colonies were called states as early as the 1630s citation needed The expression l Etat c est moi I am the State attributed to Louis XIV although probably apocryphal is recorded in the late 18th century 10 Definition EditThere is no academic consensus on the most appropriate definition of the state 1 The term state refers to a set of different but interrelated and often overlapping theories about a certain range of political phenomena 2 The act of defining the term can be seen as part of an ideological conflict because different definitions lead to different theories of state function and as a result validate different political strategies 11 According to Jeffrey and Painter if we define the essence of the state in one place or era we are liable to find that in another time or space something which is also understood to be a state has different essential characteristics 12 Different definitions of the state often place an emphasis either on the means or the ends of states Means related definitions include those by Max Weber and Charles Tilly both of whom define the state according to its violent means For Weber the state is a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory Politics as a Vocation while Tilly characterizes them as coercion wielding organisations Coercion Capital and European States Ends related definitions emphasize instead the teleological aims and purposes of the state Marxist thought regards the ends of the state as being the perpetuation of class domination in favor of the ruling class which under the capitalist mode of production is the bourgeoisie The state exists to defend the ruling class claims to private property and its capturing of surplus profits at the expense of the proletariat Indeed Marx claimed that the executive of the modern state is nothing but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie Communist Manifesto Liberal thought provides another possible teleology of the state According to John Locke the goal of the state or commonwealth is the preservation of property Second Treatise on Government with property in Locke s work referring not only to personal possessions but also to one s life and liberty On this account the state provides the basis for social cohesion and productivity creating incentives for wealth creation by providing guarantees of protection for one s life liberty and personal property Provision of public goods is considered by some such as Adam Smith 13 as a central function of the state since these goods would otherwise be underprovided The most commonly used definition is Max Weber s 14 15 16 17 18 which describes the state as a compulsory political organization with a centralized government that maintains a monopoly of the legitimate use of force within a certain territory 3 4 While economic and political philosophers have contested the monopolistic tendency of states 19 Robert Nozick argues that the use of force naturally tends towards monopoly 20 Another commonly accepted definition of the state is the one given at the Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States in 1933 It provides that t he state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications a a permanent population b a defined territory c government and d capacity to enter into relations with the other states 21 And that t he federal state shall constitute a sole person in the eyes of international law 22 According to the Oxford English Dictionary a state is a an organized political community under one government a commonwealth a nation b such a community forming part of a federal republic esp the United States of America 23 Confounding the definition problem is that state and government are often used as synonyms in common conversation and even some academic discourse According to this definition schema the states are nonphysical persons of international law governments are organizations of people 24 The relationship between a government and its state is one of representation and authorized agency 25 Types of states Edit States may be classified by political philosophers as sovereign if they are not dependent on or subject to any other power or state Other states are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony where ultimate sovereignty lies in another state 6 Many states are federated states which participate in a federal union A federated state is a territorial and constitutional community forming part of a federation 26 Compare confederacies or confederations such as Switzerland Such states differ from sovereign states in that they have transferred a portion of their sovereign powers to a federal government 23 One can commonly and sometimes readily but not necessarily usefully classify states according to their apparent make up or focus The concept of the nation state theoretically or ideally co terminous with a nation became very popular by the 20th century in Europe but occurred rarely elsewhere or at other times In contrast some states have sought to make a virtue of their multi ethnic or multinational character Habsburg Austria Hungary for example or the Soviet Union and have emphasised unifying characteristics such as autocracy monarchical legitimacy or ideology Other states often fascist or authoritarian ones promoted state sanctioned notions of racial superiority 27 Other states may bring ideas of commonality and inclusiveness to the fore note the res publica of ancient Rome and the Rzeczpospolita of Poland Lithuania which finds echoes in the modern day republic The concept of temple states centred on religious shrines occurs in some discussions of the ancient world 28 Relatively small city states once a relatively common and often successful form of polity 29 have become rarer and comparatively less prominent in modern times Modern day independent city states include Vatican City Monaco and Singapore Other city states survive as federated states like the present day German city states or as otherwise autonomous entities with limited sovereignty like Hong Kong Gibraltar and Ceuta To some extent urban secession the creation of a new city state sovereign or federated continues to be discussed in the early 21st century in cities such as London State and government Edit See also Government A state can be distinguished from a government The state is the organization while the government is the particular group of people the administrative bureaucracy that controls the state apparatus at a given time 30 31 32 That is governments are the means through which state power is employed States are served by a continuous succession of different governments 32 States are immaterial and nonphysical social objects whereas governments are groups of people with certain coercive powers 33 Each successive government is composed of a specialized and privileged body of individuals who monopolize political decision making and are separated by status and organization from the population as a whole States and nation states Edit See also Nation state States can also be distinguished from the concept of a nation where nation refers to a cultural political community of people A nation state refers to a situation where a single ethnicity is associated with a specific state State and civil society Edit In the classical thought the state was identified with both political society and civil society as a form of political community while the modern thought distinguished the nation state as a political society from civil society as a form of economic society 34 Thus in the modern thought the state is contrasted with civil society 35 36 37 Antonio Gramsci believed that civil society is the primary locus of political activity because it is where all forms of identity formation ideological struggle the activities of intellectuals and the construction of hegemony take place and that civil society was the nexus connecting the economic and political sphere Arising out of the collective actions of civil society is what Gramsci calls political society which Gramsci differentiates from the notion of the state as a polity He stated that politics was not a one way process of political management but rather that the activities of civil organizations conditioned the activities of political parties and state institutions and were conditioned by them in turn 38 39 Louis Althusser argued that civil organizations such as church schools and the family are part of an ideological state apparatus which complements the repressive state apparatus such as police and military in reproducing social relations 40 41 42 Jurgen Habermas spoke of a public sphere that was distinct from both the economic and political sphere 43 Given the role that many social groups have in the development of public policy and the extensive connections between state bureaucracies and other institutions it has become increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries of the state Privatization nationalization and the creation of new regulatory bodies also change the boundaries of the state in relation to society Often the nature of quasi autonomous organizations is unclear generating debate among political scientists on whether they are part of the state or civil society Some political scientists thus prefer to speak of policy networks and decentralized governance in modern societies rather than of state bureaucracies and direct state control over policy 44 State symbols Edit See also National symbol flag coat of arms or national emblem seal or stamp national motto national colors national anthemHistory EditThe earliest forms of the state emerged whenever it became possible to centralize power in a durable way Agriculture and a settled population have been attributed as necessary conditions to form states 45 46 47 48 Certain types of agriculture are more conducive to state formation such as grain wheat barley millet because they are suited to concentrated production taxation and storage 45 49 50 51 Agriculture and writing are almost everywhere associated with this process agriculture because it allowed for the emergence of a social class of people who did not have to spend most of their time providing for their own subsistence and writing or an equivalent of writing like Inca quipus because it made possible the centralization of vital information 52 Bureaucratization made expansion over large territories possible 53 The first known states were created in the Egypt Mesopotamia India China Mesoamerica and the Andes It is only in relatively modern times that states have almost completely displaced alternative stateless forms of political organization of societies all over the planet Roving bands of hunter gatherers and even fairly sizable and complex tribal societies based on herding or agriculture have existed without any full time specialized state organization and these stateless forms of political organization have in fact prevailed for all of the prehistory and much of the history of the human species and civilization The primary competing organizational forms to the state were religious organizations such as the Church and city republics 54 Since the late 19th century virtually the entirety of the world s inhabitable land has been parcelled up into areas with more or less definite borders claimed by various states Earlier quite large land areas had been either unclaimed or uninhabited or inhabited by nomadic peoples who were not organised as states However even within present day states there are vast areas of wilderness like the Amazon rainforest which are uninhabited or inhabited solely or mostly by indigenous people and some of them remain uncontacted Also there are so called failed states which do not hold de facto control over all of their claimed territory or where this control is challenged Currently the international community comprises around 200 sovereign states the vast majority of which are represented in the United Nations citation needed Pre historic stateless societies Edit Main article Stateless societies For most of human history people have lived in stateless societies characterized by a lack of concentrated authority and the absence of large inequalities in economic and political power The anthropologist Tim Ingold writes It is not enough to observe in a now rather dated anthropological idiom that hunter gatherers live in stateless societies as though their social lives were somehow lacking or unfinished waiting to be completed by the evolutionary development of a state apparatus Rather the principal of their socialty as Pierre Clastres has put it is fundamentally against the state 55 Neolithic period Edit Further information Neolithic and Copper Age state societies During the Neolithic period human societies underwent major cultural and economic changes including the development of agriculture the formation of sedentary societies and fixed settlements increasing population densities and the use of pottery and more complex tools 56 57 Sedentary agriculture led to the development of property rights domestication of plants and animals and larger family sizes It also provided the basis for the centralized state form 58 by producing a large surplus of food which created a more complex division of labor by enabling people to specialize in tasks other than food production 59 Early states were characterized by highly stratified societies with a privileged and wealthy ruling class that was subordinate to a monarch The ruling classes began to differentiate themselves through forms of architecture and other cultural practices that were different from those of the subordinate laboring classes 60 In the past it was suggested that the centralized state was developed to administer large public works systems such as irrigation systems and to regulate complex economies However modern archaeological and anthropological evidence does not support this thesis pointing to the existence of several non stratified and politically decentralized complex societies 61 Ancient Eurasia Edit See also Mesopotamia Ancient Egypt Indus Valley Civilization and Government of the Han Dynasty Mesopotamia is generally considered to be the location of the earliest civilization or complex society meaning that it contained cities full time division of labor social concentration of wealth into capital unequal distribution of wealth ruling classes community ties based on residency rather than kinship long distance trade monumental architecture standardized forms of art and culture writing and mathematics and science 62 63 It was the world s first literate civilization and formed the first sets of written laws 64 65 Classical antiquity Edit See also Athenian democracy and Roman Republic Painting of Roman Senators encircling Julius Caesar Although state forms existed before the rise of the Ancient Greek empire the Greeks were the first people known to have explicitly formulated a political philosophy of the state and to have rationally analyzed political institutions Prior to this states were described and justified in terms of religious myths 66 Several important political innovations of classical antiquity came from the Greek city states and the Roman Republic The Greek city states before the 4th century granted citizenship rights to their free population and in Athens these rights were combined with a directly democratic form of government that was to have a long afterlife in political thought and history Feudal state Edit See also Feudalism and Middle Ages During Medieval times in Europe the state was organized on the principle of feudalism and the relationship between lord and vassal became central to social organization Feudalism led to the development of greater social hierarchies 67 The formalization of the struggles over taxation between the monarch and other elements of society especially the nobility and the cities gave rise to what is now called the Standestaat or the state of Estates characterized by parliaments in which key social groups negotiated with the king about legal and economic matters These estates of the realm sometimes evolved in the direction of fully fledged parliaments but sometimes lost out in their struggles with the monarch leading to greater centralization of lawmaking and military power in his hands Beginning in the 15th century this centralizing process gives rise to the absolutist state 68 Modern state Edit See also Bureaucracy Constitution Corporation Globalization and Neoliberalism Cultural and national homogenization figured prominently in the rise of the modern state system Since the absolutist period states have largely been organized on a national basis The concept of a national state however is not synonymous with nation state Even in the most ethnically homogeneous societies there is not always a complete correspondence between state and nation hence the active role often taken by the state to promote nationalism through emphasis on shared symbols and national identity 69 Charles Tilly argues that the number of total states in Western Europe declined rapidly from the Late Middle Ages to Early Modern Era during a process of state formation 70 Other research has disputed whether such a decline took place 71 According to Hendrik Spruyt the modern state is different from its predecessor polities in two main aspects 1 Modern states have greater capacity to intervene in their societies and 2 Modern states are buttressed by the principle of international legal sovereignty and the juridicial equivalence of states 72 The two features began to emerge in the Late Middle Ages but the modern state form took centuries to come firmly into fruition 72 Other aspects of modern states is that they tend to be organized as unified national polities and that they have rational legal bureaucracies 73 Sovereign equality did not become fully global until after World War II amid decolonization 72 Adom Getachew writes that it was not until the 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples that the international legal context for popular sovereignty was instituted 74 Theories for the emergence of the state EditEarliest states Edit Theories for the emergence of the earliest states emphasize grain agriculture and settled populations as necessary conditions 63 Some argue that climate change led to a greater concentration of human populations around dwindling waterways 63 Modern state Edit Hendrik Spruyt distinguishes between three prominent categories of explanations for the emergence of the modern state as a dominant polity 1 Security based explanations that emphasize the role of warfare 2 Economy based explanations that emphasize trade property rights and capitalism as drivers behind state formation and 3 Institutionalist theories that sees the state as an organizational form that is better able to resolve conflict and cooperation problems than competing political organizations 72 According to Philip Gorski and Vivek Swaroop Sharma the neo Darwinian framework for the emergence of sovereign states is the dominant explanation in the scholarship 75 The neo Darwininian framework emphasizes how the modern state emerged as the dominant organizational form through natural selection and competition 75 Theories of state function EditSee also Corporatism and Elite theory Most political theories of the state can roughly be classified into two categories The first are known as liberal or conservative theories which treat capitalism as a given and then concentrate on the function of states in capitalist society These theories tend to see the state as a neutral entity separated from society and the economy Marxist and anarchist theories on the other hand see politics as intimately tied in with economic relations and emphasize the relation between economic power and political power They see the state as a partisan instrument that primarily serves the interests of the upper class 32 Anarchist perspective Edit Main article Anarchism IWW poster Pyramid of Capitalist System c 1911 depicting an anti capitalist perspective on statist capitalist social structures Anarchism is a political philosophy which considers the state and hierarchies to be unnecessary and harmful and instead promotes a stateless society or anarchy a self managed self governed society based on voluntary cooperative institutions Anarchists believe that the state is inherently an instrument of domination and repression no matter who is in control of it Anarchists note that the state possesses the monopoly on the legal use of violence Unlike Marxists anarchists believe that revolutionary seizure of state power should not be a political goal They believe instead that the state apparatus should be completely dismantled and an alternative set of social relations created which are not based on state power at all 76 77 Various Christian anarchists such as Jacques Ellul have identified the State and political power as the Beast in the Book of Revelation 78 79 Anarcho capitalist perspective Edit Main article Anarcho capitalism Anarcho capitalists such as Murray Rothbard come to some of the same conclusions about the state apparatus as anarchists but for different reasons 80 The two principles that anarchists rely on most are consent and non initiation 81 Consent in anarcho capitalist theory requires that individuals explicitly assent to the jurisdiction of the State excluding Lockean tacit consent Consent may also create a right of secession which destroys any concept of government monopoly on force 80 82 Coercive monopolies are excluded by the non initiation of force principle because they must use force in order to prevent others from offering the same service that they do Anarcho capitalists start from the belief that replacing monopolistic states with competitive providers is necessary from a normative justice based scenario 81 Anarcho capitalists believe that the market values of competition and privatization can better provide the services provided by the state Murray Rothbard argues in Power and Market that any and all government functions could better be fulfilled by private actors including defense infrastructure and legal adjudication 80 Marxist perspective Edit Main article Marx s theory of the state Marx and Engels were clear in that the communist goal was a classless society in which the state would have withered away replaced only by administration of things 83 Their views are found throughout their Collected Works and address past or then extant state forms from an analytical and tactical viewpoint but not future social forms speculation about which is generally antithetical to groups considering themselves Marxist but who not having conquered the existing state power s are not in the situation of supplying the institutional form of an actual society To the extent that it makes sense there is no single Marxist theory of state but rather several different purportedly Marxist theories have been developed by adherents of Marxism 84 85 86 Marx s early writings portrayed the bourgeois state as parasitic built upon the superstructure of the economy and working against the public interest He also wrote that the state mirrors class relations in society in general acting as a regulator and repressor of class struggle and as a tool of political power and domination for the ruling class 87 The Communist Manifesto claimed that the state to be nothing more than a committee for managing the common affairs of the bourgeoisie 84 For Marxist theorists the role of the modern bourgeois state is determined by its function in the global capitalist order Ralph Miliband argued that the ruling class uses the state as its instrument to dominate society by virtue of the interpersonal ties between state officials and economic elites For Miliband the state is dominated by an elite that comes from the same background as the capitalist class State officials therefore share the same interests as owners of capital and are linked to them through a wide array of social economic and political ties 88 Gramsci s theories of state emphasized that the state is only one of the institutions in society that helps maintain the hegemony of the ruling class and that state power is bolstered by the ideological domination of the institutions of civil society such as churches schools and mass media 89 Pluralism Edit See also Polyarchy Pluralists view society as a collection of individuals and groups who are competing for political power They then view the state as a neutral body that simply enacts the will of whichever groups dominate the electoral process 90 Within the pluralist tradition Robert Dahl developed the theory of the state as a neutral arena for contending interests or its agencies as simply another set of interest groups With power competitively arranged in society state policy is a product of recurrent bargaining Although pluralism recognizes the existence of inequality it asserts that all groups have an opportunity to pressure the state The pluralist approach suggests that the modern democratic state s actions are the result of pressures applied by a variety of organized interests Dahl called this kind of state a polyarchy 91 Pluralism has been challenged on the ground that it is not supported by empirical evidence Citing surveys showing that the large majority of people in high leadership positions are members of the wealthy upper class critics of pluralism claim that the state serves the interests of the upper class rather than equitably serving the interests of all social groups 92 93 Contemporary critical perspectives Edit Jurgen Habermas believed that the base superstructure framework used by many Marxist theorists to describe the relation between the state and the economy was overly simplistic He felt that the modern state plays a large role in structuring the economy by regulating economic activity and being a large scale economic consumer producer and through its redistributive welfare state activities Because of the way these activities structure the economic framework Habermas felt that the state cannot be looked at as passively responding to economic class interests 94 95 96 Michel Foucault believed that modern political theory was too state centric saying Maybe after all the state is no more than a composite reality and a mythologized abstraction whose importance is a lot more limited than many of us think He thought that political theory was focusing too much on abstract institutions and not enough on the actual practices of government In Foucault s opinion the state had no essence He believed that instead of trying to understand the activities of governments by analyzing the properties of the state a reified abstraction political theorists should be examining changes in the practice of government to understand changes in the nature of the state 97 98 99 Foucault developed the concept of governmentality while considering the genealogy of state and considers the way in which an individuals understanding governance can influence the function of the state 100 15 Foucault argues that it is technology that has created and made the state so elusive and successful and that instead of looking at the state as something to be toppled we should look at the state as technological manifestation or system with many heads Foucault argues instead of something to be overthrown as in the sense of the Marxist and Anarchist understanding of the state Every single scientific technological advance has come to the service of the state Foucault argues and it is with the emergence of the Mathematical sciences and essentially the formation of Mathematical statistics that one gets an understanding of the complex technology of producing how the modern state was so successfully created Foucault insists that the Nation state was not a historical accident but a deliberate production in which the modern state had to now manage coincidentally with the emerging practice of the Police Cameral science allowing the population to now come in into jus gentium and civitas Civil society after deliberately being excluded for several millennia 101 Democracy wasn t the newly formed voting franchise as is always painted by both political revolutionaries and political philosophers as a cry for political freedom or wanting to be accepted by the ruling elite Foucault insists but was a part of a skilled endeavour of switching over new technology such as Translatio imperii Plenitudo potestatis and extra Ecclesiam nulla salus readily available from the past Medieval period into mass persuasion for the future industrial political population deception over the population in which the political population was now asked to insist upon itself the president must be elected Where these political symbol agents represented by the pope and the president are now democratised Foucault calls these new forms of technology Biopower 102 103 101 and form part of our political inheritance which he calls Biopolitics Heavily influenced by Gramsci Nicos Poulantzas a Greek neo Marxist theorist argued that capitalist states do not always act on behalf of the ruling class and when they do it is not necessarily the case because state officials consciously strive to do so but because the structural position of the state is configured in such a way to ensure that the long term interests of capital are always dominant Poulantzas main contribution to the Marxist literature on the state was the concept of relative autonomy of the state While Poulantzas work on state autonomy has served to sharpen and specify a great deal of Marxist literature on the state his own framework came under criticism for its structural functionalism citation needed Structural universe of the state or structural reality of the state Edit It can be considered as a single structural universe the historical reality that takes shape in societies characterized by a codified or crystallized right with a power organized hierarchically and justified by the law that gives it authority with a well defined social and economic stratification with an economic and social organization that gives the society precise organic characteristics with one or multiple religious organizations in justification of the power expressed by such a society and in support of the religious beliefs of individuals and accepted by society as a whole Such a structural universe evolves in a cyclical manner presenting two different historical phases a mercantile phase or open society and a feudal phase or closed society with characteristics so divergent that it can qualify as two different levels of civilization which however are never definitive but that alternate cyclically being able each of the two different levels to be considered progressive in a partisan way totally independent of the real value of well being degrees of freedom granted equality realized and a concrete possibility to achieve further progress of the level of civilization even by the most cultured fractions educated and intellectually more equipped than the various societies of both historical phases 104 State autonomy within institutionalism Edit Main article New institutionalism State autonomy theorists believe that the state is an entity that is impervious to external social and economic influence and has interests of its own 105 New institutionalist writings on the state such as the works of Theda Skocpol suggest that state actors are to an important degree autonomous In other words state personnel have interests of their own which they can and do pursue independently of at times in conflict with actors in society Since the state controls the means of coercion and given the dependence of many groups in civil society on the state for achieving any goals they may espouse state personnel can to some extent impose their own preferences on civil society 106 Theories of state legitimacy EditMain article Legitimacy political States generally rely on a claim to some form of political legitimacy in order to maintain domination over their subjects 107 108 109 Social Contract Theory Edit Main article Social contract Various social contract theories have been proffered to establish state legitimacy and to explain state formation Common elements in these theories are a state of nature that incentivizes people to seek out the establishment of a state Thomas Hobbes described the state of nature as solitary poor nasty brutish and short Leviathan Chapters XIII XIV 110 Locke takes a more benign view of the state of nature and is unwilling to take as hard a stance on the degeneracy of the state of nature He does agree that it is equally incapable of providing a high quality of life Locke argues for inalienable human rights One of the most significant rights for Locke was the right to property He viewed it as a keystone right that was inadequately protected in the state of nature 111 112 Social contract theorists frequently argue for some level of natural rights In order to protect their ability to exercise these rights they are willing to give up some other rights to the state to allow it to establish governance citation needed Social contract theory then basis government legitimacy on the consent of the governed but such legitimacy only extends as far as the governed have consented This line of reasoning figures prominently in The United States Declaration of Independence Divine right of kings Edit Main article Divine right of kings The rise of the modern day state system was closely related to changes in political thought especially concerning the changing understanding of legitimate state power and control Early modern defenders of absolutism Absolute monarchy such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean Bodin undermined the doctrine of the divine right of kings by arguing that the power of kings should be justified by reference to the people Hobbes in particular went further to argue that political power should be justified with reference to the individual Hobbes wrote in the time of the English Civil War not just to the people understood collectively Both Hobbes and Bodin thought they were defending the power of kings not advocating for democracy but their arguments about the nature of sovereignty were fiercely resisted by more traditional defenders of the power of kings such as Sir Robert Filmer in England who thought that such defenses ultimately opened the way to more democratic claims citation needed Rational legal authority Edit Main article Rational legal authority Max Weber identified three main sources of political legitimacy in his works The first legitimacy based on traditional grounds is derived from a belief that things should be as they have been in the past and that those who defend these traditions have a legitimate claim to power The second legitimacy based on charismatic leadership is devotion to a leader or group that is viewed as exceptionally heroic or virtuous The third is rational legal authority whereby legitimacy is derived from the belief that a certain group has been placed in power in a legal manner and that their actions are justifiable according to a specific code of written laws Weber believed that the modern state is characterized primarily by appeals to rational legal authority 113 114 115 State failure EditMain article Failed state Some states are often labeled as weak or failed In David Samuels s words a failed state occurs when sovereignty over claimed territory has collapsed or was never effectively at all 116 Authors like Samuels and Joel S Migdal have explored the emergence of weak states how they are different from Western strong states and its consequences to the economic development of developing countries Early state formation To understand the formation of weak states Samuels compares the formation of European states in the 1600s with the conditions under which more recent states were formed in the twentieth century In this line of argument the state allows a population to resolve a collective action problem in which citizens recognize the authority of the state and this exercise the power of coercion over them This kind of social organization required a decline in legitimacy of traditional forms of ruling like religious authorities and replaced them with an increase in the legitimacy of depersonalized rule an increase in the central government s sovereignty and an increase in the organizational complexity of the central government bureaucracy The transition to this modern state was possible in Europe around 1600 thanks to the confluence of factors like the technological developments in warfare which generated strong incentives to tax and consolidate central structures of governance to respond to external threats This was complemented by the increasing on the production of food as a result of productivity improvements which allowed to sustain a larger population and so increased the complexity and centralization of states Finally cultural changes challenged the authority of monarchies and paved the way to the emergence of modern states 117 Late state formation The conditions that enabled the emergence of modern states in Europe were different for other countries that started this process later As a result many of these states lack effective capabilities to tax and extract revenue from their citizens which derives in problems like corruption tax evasion and low economic growth Unlike the European case late state formation occurred in a context of limited international conflict that diminished the incentives to tax and increase military spending Also many of these states emerged from colonization in a state of poverty and with institutions designed to extract natural resources which have made more difficult to form states European colonization also defined many arbitrary borders that mixed different cultural groups under the same national identities which has made difficult to build states with legitimacy among all the population since some states have to compete for it with other forms of political identity 117 As a complement of this argument Migdal gives a historical account on how sudden social changes in the Third World during the Industrial Revolution contributed to the formation of weak states The expansion of international trade that started around 1850 brought profound changes in Africa Asia and Latin America that were introduced with the objective of assure the availability of raw materials for the European market These changes consisted in i reforms to landownership laws with the objective of integrate more lands to the international economy ii increase in the taxation of peasants and little landowners as well as collecting of these taxes in cash instead of in kind as was usual up to that moment and iii the introduction of new and less costly modes of transportation mainly railroads As a result the traditional forms of social control became obsolete deteriorating the existing institutions and opening the way to the creation of new ones that not necessarily lead these countries to build strong states 118 This fragmentation of the social order induced a political logic in which these states were captured to some extent by strongmen who were capable to take advantage of the above mentioned changes and that challenge the sovereignty of the state As a result these decentralization of social control impedes to consolidate strong states 119 See also EditCivilian control of the military Colony International relations Puppet state Rule of law Statism WarlordismReferences EditNotes Edit a b Cudworth et al 2007 p 1 a b Barrow 1993 pp 9 10 a b Cudworth et al 2007 p 95 a b Salmon 2008 p 54 Archived 15 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Stateless Society Encyclopedia com www encyclopedia com a b Marek Krystyna 1954 Identity and Continuity of States in Public International Law Library Droz p 178 ISBN 978 2 600 04044 0 It has been thought necessary to quote the Lytton Report at such length since it is probably the fullest and most exhaustive description of an allegedly independent by actually dependent i e Puppet State Wimmer Andreas Feinstein Yuval 2010 The Rise of the Nation State across the World 1816 to 2001 American Sociological Review 75 5 764 790 doi 10 1177 0003122410382639 ISSN 0003 1224 S2CID 10075481 This global outcome the almost universal adoption of the nation state form Skinner 1989 page needed Bobbio 1989 pp 57 58 Archived 30 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine C D Erhard Betrachtungen uber Leopolds des Weisen Gesetzgebung in Toscana Richter 1791 p 30 Archived 19 January 2018 at the Wayback Machine Recognized as apocryphal in the early 19th century Jean Etienne Francois Marignie The king can do no wrong Le roi ne peut jamais avoit tort le roi ne peut mal faire Le Normant 1818 p 12 Archived 19 January 2018 at the Wayback Machine Barrow 1993 pp 10 11 Painter Joe Jeffrey Alex 2009 Political Geography 2nd ed London Sagr Publications Ltd p 21 ISBN 978 1 4129 0138 3 Smith Adam 1776 An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations Dubreuil Benoit 2010 Human Evolution and the Origins of Hierarchies The State of Nature Cambridge University Press p 189 ISBN 978 0 521 76948 8 Archived from the original on 4 May 2016 Gordon Scott 2002 Controlling the State Constitutionalism from Ancient Athens to Today Harvard University Press p 4 ISBN 978 0 674 00977 6 Archived from the original on 3 May 2016 Hay Colin 2001 Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy New York Routledge pp 1469 1474 ISBN 0 415 14532 5 Archived from the original on 3 May 2016 Donovan John C 1993 People power and politics an introduction to political science Rowman amp Littlefield p 20 ISBN 978 0 8226 3025 8 Archived from the original on 8 May 2016 Shaw Martin 2003 War and genocide organized killing in modern society Wiley Blackwell p 59 ISBN 978 0 7456 1907 1 Archived from the original on 3 June 2016 Holcombe Randall 2004 Government Unnecessary but Inevitable PDF The Independent Review VIII 3 325 342 Nozick Robert 1974 Anarchy State and Utopia Oxford Blackwell ISBN 063119780X Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention Article 2 of the Montevideo Convention a b Thompson Della ed 1995 state Concise Oxford English Dictionary 9th ed Oxford University Press 3 also State a an organized political community under one government a commonwealth a nation b such a community forming part of a federal republic esp the United States of America Robinson E H 2013 The Distinction Between State and Government Archived 2 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine The Geography Compass 7 8 pp 556 566 Crawford J 2007 The Creation of States in International Law Oxford University Press The Australian National Dictionary Fourth Edition p 1395 2004 Canberra ISBN 0 19 551771 7 Longerich Peter 2010 Holocaust The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews Oxford New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 280436 5 For example Pastor Jack 1997 3 The Early Hellenistic Period Land and Economy in Ancient Palestine London Routledge published 2013 p 32 ISBN 978 1 134 72264 8 Archived from the original on 19 December 2016 Retrieved 14 February 2017 The idea of Jerusalem as a temple state is an analogy to the temple states of Asia Minor and the Seleucid Empire but it is an inappropriate analogy Rostovtzeff referred to Judea as a sort of temple state notwithstanding his own definition that stipulates ownership of territory and state organization Hengel also claims that Judea was a temple state ignoring his own evidence that the Ptolemies hardly would have tolerated such a situation Athens Carthage Rome Novgorod Pskov Hamburg Bremen Frankfurt Lubeck Florence Pisa Genoa Venice Danzig Fiume Dubrovnik Bealey Frank ed 1999 government The Blackwell dictionary of political science a user s guide to its terms Wiley Blackwell p 147 ISBN 978 0 631 20695 8 Archived from the original on 16 May 2016 Sartwell 2008 p 25 Archived 23 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine a b c Flint amp Taylor 2007 p 137 Robinson E H 2013 The Distinction Between State and Government Archived 2 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine The Geography Compass 7 8 pp 556 566 Zaleski Pawel 2008 Tocqueville on Civilian Society A Romantic Vision of the Dichotomic Structure of Social Reality Archiv fur Begriffsgeschichte Felix Meiner Verlag 50 Ehrenberg John 1999 Civil Society and the State Civil society the critical history of an idea NYU Press p 109 ISBN 978 0 8147 2207 7 Kaviraj Sudipta 2001 In search of civil society In Kaviraj Sudipta Khilnani Sunil eds Civil society history and possibilities Cambridge University Press pp 291 293 ISBN 978 0 521 00290 5 Archived from the original on 1 May 2016 Reeve Andrew 2001 Civil society In Jones R J Barry ed Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy Entries P Z Taylor amp Francis pp 158 160 ISBN 978 0 415 24352 0 Archived from the original on 23 June 2016 Sassoon Anne Showstack 2000 Gramsci and contemporary politics beyond pessimism of the intellect Psychology Press p 70 ISBN 978 0 415 16214 2 Archived from the original on 3 May 2016 Augelli Enrico amp Murphy Craig N 1993 Gramsci and international relations a general perspective with examples from recent US policy towards the Third World In Gill Stephen ed Gramsci historical materialism and international relations Cambridge University Press p 129 ISBN 978 0 521 43523 9 Archived from the original on 2 May 2016 Ferretter Luke 2006 Louis Althusser Taylor amp Francis p 85 ISBN 978 0 415 32731 2 Flecha Ramon 2009 The Educative City and Critical Education In Apple Michael W et al eds The Routledge international handbook of critical education Taylor amp Francis p 330 ISBN 978 0 415 95861 5 Malesevic 2002 p 16 Archived 23 July 2016 at the Wayback Machine Morrow Raymond Allen amp Torres Carlos Alberto 2002 Reading Freire and Habermas critical pedagogy and transformative social change Teacher s College Press p 77 ISBN 978 0 8077 4202 0 Kjaer Anne Mette 2004 Governance Wiley Blackwell ISBN 978 0 7456 2979 7 Archived from the original on 11 June 2016 page needed a b Scott James C 2017 Against the Grain A Deep History of the Earliest States Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 18291 0 JSTOR j ctv1bvnfk9 Carneiro Robert L 1970 A Theory of the Origin of the State Science 169 3947 733 738 Bibcode 1970Sci 169 733C doi 10 1126 science 169 3947 733 ISSN 0036 8075 JSTOR 1729765 PMID 17820299 S2CID 11536431 Allen Robert C 1 April 1997 Agriculture and the Origins of the State in Ancient Egypt Explorations in Economic History 34 2 135 154 doi 10 1006 exeh 1997 0673 ISSN 0014 4983 Borcan Oana Olsson Ola Putterman Louis 2021 Transition to agriculture and first state presence A global analysis Explorations in Economic History 101404 doi 10 1016 j eeh 2021 101404 hdl 2077 57593 ISSN 0014 4983 S2CID 236427239 Ahmed Ali T Stasavage David May 2020 Origins of Early Democracy American Political Science Review 114 2 502 518 doi 10 1017 S0003055419000741 ISSN 0003 0554 S2CID 29671869 Mayshar Joram Moav Omer Neeman Zvika 2017 Geography Transparency and Institutions American Political Science Review 111 3 622 636 doi 10 1017 S0003055417000132 ISSN 0003 0554 S2CID 134526725 Boix Carles 2015 Political Order and Inequality Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 107 08943 3 Giddens Anthony 1987 The Traditional State Domination and Military Power Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism II The Nation State and Violence Cambridge Polity Press ISBN 0 520 06039 3 Spencer Charles S 2010 Territorial expansion and primary state formation Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107 16 7119 7126 doi 10 1073 pnas 1002470107 ISSN 0027 8424 PMC 2867764 PMID 20385804 Bagge Sverre 2019 State Formation in Europe 843 1789 A Divided World Routledge p 139 ISBN 978 0 429 58953 9 Ingold Tim 1999 On the social relations of the hunter gatherer band In Lee Richard B Daly Richard Heywood eds The Cambridge encyclopedia of hunters and gatherers Cambridge University Press p 408 ISBN 978 0 521 57109 8 Archived from the original on 17 May 2016 Shaw Ian amp Jameson Robert 2002 Neolithic A dictionary of archaeology 6th ed Wiley Blackwell p 423 ISBN 978 0 631 23583 5 Archived from the original on 24 April 2016 Hassan F A 2007 The Lie of History Nation States and the Contradictions of Complex Societies In Costanza Robert et al eds Sustainability or collapse an integrated history and future of people on earth MIT Press p 186 ISBN 978 0 262 03366 4 Archived from the original on 2 May 2016 Scott 2009 p 29 Archived 5 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Langer Erick D amp Stearns Peter N 1994 Agricultural systems In Stearns Peter N ed Encyclopedia of social history Taylor amp Francis p 28 ISBN 978 0 8153 0342 8 Archived from the original on 4 June 2016 Cohen Ronald 1978 State Origins A Reappraisal The Early State Walter de Gruyter p 36 ISBN 978 90 279 7904 9 Archived from the original on 30 April 2016 Roosevelt Anna C 1999 The Maritime Highland Forest Dynamic and the Origins of Complex Culture In Salomon Frank Schwartz Stuart B eds Cambridge history of the Native peoples of the Americas South America Volume 3 Cambridge University Press pp 266 267 ISBN 978 0 521 63075 7 Archived from the original on 24 June 2016 Mann Michael 1986 The emergence of stratification states and multi power actor civilization in Mesopotamia The sources of social power A history of power from the beginning to A D 1760 Volume 1 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 31349 0 Archived from the original on 25 April 2016 a b c Wang Yuhua 2021 State in Society 2 0 Toward Fourth Generation Theories of the State Comparative Politics doi 10 5129 001041521x16184035797221 S2CID 235847848 Yoffee Norman 1988 Context and Authority in Early Mesopotamian Law In Cohen Ronald Toland Judith D eds State formation and political legitimacy Transaction Publishers p 95 ISBN 978 0 88738 161 4 Archived from the original on 1 May 2016 Yoffee Norman 2005 Myths of the archaic state evolution of the earliest cities states and civilizations Cambridge University Press p 102 ISBN 978 0 521 81837 7 Archived from the original on 11 May 2011 Nelson 2006 p 17 Archived 16 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Jones Rhys 2007 People states territories the political geographies of British state transformation Wiley Blackwell pp 52 53 ISBN 978 1 4051 4033 1 Archived from the original on 2 May 2016 see also pp 54 Archived 16 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine where Jones discusses problems with common conceptions of feudalism Poggi G 1978 The Development of the Modern State A Sociological Introduction Stanford Stanford University Press Breuilly John 1993 Nationalism and the State Archived 1 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine New York St Martin s Press ISBN 0 7190 3800 6 Tilly Charles 1990 Coercion Capital and European States AD 990 1992 Blackwell p 44 Abramson Scott F 2017 The Economic Origins of the Territorial State International Organization 71 1 97 130 doi 10 1017 S0020818316000308 ISSN 0020 8183 a b c d Spruyt Hendrik 2002 The Origins Development and Possible Decline of the Modern State Annual Review of Political Science 5 1 127 149 doi 10 1146 annurev polisci 5 101501 145837 ISSN 1094 2939 Thomas George M Meyer John W 1984 The Expansion of the State Annual Review of Sociology 10 1 461 482 doi 10 1146 annurev so 10 080184 002333 ISSN 0360 0572 Getachew Adom 2019 Worldmaking after Empire The Rise and Fall of Self Determination Princeton University Press pp 73 74 ISBN 978 0 691 17915 5 JSTOR j ctv3znwvg a b Gorski Philip Sharma Vivek Swaroop 2017 Strandsbjerg Jeppe Kaspersen Lars Bo eds Beyond the Tilly Thesis Family Values and State Formation in Latin Christendom Does War Make States Investigations of Charles Tilly s Historical Sociology Cambridge University Press pp 98 124 ISBN 978 1 107 14150 6 Newman Saul 2010 The Politics of Postanarchism Edinburgh University Press p 109 ISBN 978 0 7486 3495 8 Archived from the original on 29 July 2016 Roussopoulos Dimitrios I 1973 The political economy of the state Quebec Canada U S A Black Rose Books p 8 ISBN 978 0 919618 01 5 Archived from the original on 13 May 2016 Christoyannopoulos Alexandre 2010 Christian Anarchism A Political Commentary on the Gospel Exeter Imprint Academic pp 123 126 Revelation Ellul Jacques 1988 Anarchy and Christianity Michigan Wm B Eerdmans pp 71 74 ISBN 9780802804952 Archived from the original on 2 November 2015 The first beast comes up from the sea It is given all authority and power over every tribe every people every tongue and every nation 13 7 All who dwell on earth worship it Political power could hardly I think be more expressly described for it is this power which has authority which controls military force and which compels adoration i e absolute obedience a b c Rothbard Murray 1970 Power and Market Institute for Humane Studies ISBN 1 933550 05 8 a b Long Roderick T 2013 Anarchism and the Problems of Rand and Paterson Anarchism and the Problems of Rand and Paterson The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 13 2 210 223 doi 10 5325 jaynrandstud 13 2 0210 ISSN 1526 1018 JSTOR 10 5325 jaynrandstud 13 2 0210 Block Walter 2005 Ayn Rand and Austrian Economics Two Peas in a Pod The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 6 2 259 269 ISSN 1526 1018 JSTOR 41560283 Frederick Engels Socialism Utopian and Scientific 1880 Archived 6 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine Full Text From Historical Materialism State interference in social relations becomes in one domain after another superfluous and then dies out of itself the government of persons is replaced by the administration of things and by the conduct of processes of production The State is not abolished It dies out Socialized production upon a predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible The development of production makes the existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes the political authority of the State dies out Man at last the master of his own form of social organization becomes at the same time the lord over Nature his own master free a b Flint amp Taylor 2007 p 139 Joseph 2004 p 15 Archived 6 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Barrow 1993 p 4 Smith Mark J 2000 Rethinking state theory Psychology Press p 176 ISBN 978 0 415 20892 5 Archived from the original on 3 May 2016 Miliband Ralph 1983 Class power and state power London Verso Joseph 2004 p 44 Archived 29 July 2016 at the Wayback Machine Vincent 1992 pp 47 48 Archived 30 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine Dahl Robert 1973 Modern Political Analysis Prentice Hall p page needed ISBN 0 13 596981 6 Cunningham Frank 2002 Theories of democracy a critical introduction Psychology Press pp 86 87 ISBN 978 0 415 22879 4 Archived from the original on 12 May 2016 Zweigenhaft Richard L amp Domhoff G William 2006 Diversity in the power elite how it happened why it matters 2nd ed Rowman amp Littlefield p 4 ISBN 978 0 7425 3699 9 Archived from the original on 30 April 2016 Duncan Graeme Campbell 1989 Democracy and the capitalist state Cambridge University Press p 137 ISBN 978 0 521 28062 4 Archived from the original on 25 April 2016 Edgar Andrew 2005 The philosophy of Habermas McGill Queen s Press pp 5 6 44 ISBN 978 0 7735 2783 6 Cook Deborah 2004 Adorno Habermas and the search for a rational society Psychology Press p 20 ISBN 978 0 415 33479 2 Archived from the original on 25 April 2016 Melossi Dario 2006 Michel Foucault and the Obsolescent State In Beaulieu Alain Gabbard David eds Michel Foucault and power today international multidisciplinary studies in the history of the present Lexington Books p 6 ISBN 978 0 7391 1324 0 Archived from the original on 16 May 2016 Gordon Colin 1991 Government rationality an introduction In Foucault Michel et al eds The Foucault effect studies in governmentality University of Chicago Press p 4 ISBN 978 0 226 08045 1 Archived from the original on 3 May 2016 Mitchell Timothy 2006 Society Economy and the State Effect In Sharma Aradhana Gupta Akhil eds The anthropology of the state a reader Wiley Blackwell p 179 ISBN 978 1 4051 1467 7 Archived from the original on 18 May 2016 Lemke Thomas 2011 Foucault governmentality and critique Boulder Colo Paradigm Publishers ISBN 978 1 59451 637 5 OCLC 653123044 a b Michel Foucault 2007 Security Territory Population pp 311 332 Michel Foucault 2007 Security Territory Population pp 1 27 Michel Foucault 2007 Security Territory Population pp 87 115 115 135 Giano Rocca The Faces of Belial The Scientific Method Applied to Human Condition Book V 2020 https independent academia edu GianoRocca Sklair Leslie 2004 Globalizing class theory In Sinclair Timothy ed Global governance critical concepts in political science Taylor amp Francis pp 139 140 ISBN 978 0 415 27665 8 Archived from the original on 19 May 2016 Rueschemeyer Skocpol and Evans 1985 page needed Vincent 1992 p 43 Archived 24 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine Malesevic 2002 p 85 Archived 20 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine Dogan 1992 pp 119 120 Archived 17 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine Leviathan by Thomas Hobbes www gutenberg org Retrieved 19 November 2020 Locke John 1690 Second Treatise of Government Cox Stephen 2013 Rand Paterson and the Problem of Anarchism The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 13 1 3 25 doi 10 5325 jaynrandstud 13 1 0003 ISSN 1526 1018 JSTOR 10 5325 jaynrandstud 13 1 0003 Wallerstein Immanuel 1999 The end of the world as we know it social science for the twenty first century University of Minnesota Press p 228 ISBN 978 0 8166 3398 2 Archived from the original on 28 May 2016 Collins Randall 1986 Weberian Sociological Theory Cambridge University Press p 158 ISBN 978 0 521 31426 8 Archived from the original on 3 June 2016 Swedberg Richard amp Agevall Ola 2005 The Max Weber dictionary key words and central concepts Stanford University Press p 148 ISBN 978 0 8047 5095 0 Archived from the original on 28 April 2016 Samuels David 2012 Comparative Politics Pearson Higher Education p 29 a b Samuels David Comparative Politics Pearson Higher Education Migdal Joel 1988 Strong societies and weak states state society relations and state capabilities in the Third World pp Chapter 2 Migdal Joel 1988 Strong societies and weak states state society relations and state capabilities in the Third World Princeton University Press pp Chapter 8 Bibliography Edit Barrow Clyde W 1993 Critical Theories of State Marxist Neo Marxist Post Marxist University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 0 299 13714 7 Bobbio Norberto 1989 Democracy and Dictatorship The Nature and Limits of State Power University of Minnesota Press ISBN 0 8166 1813 5 Cudworth Erika 2007 The Modern State Theories and Ideologies Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 2176 7 Dogan Mattei 1992 Conceptions of Legitimacy In Paynter John et al eds Encyclopedia of government and politics Psychology Press ISBN 978 0 415 07224 3 Flint Colin amp Taylor Peter 2007 Political Geography World Economy Nation State and Locality 5th ed Pearson Prentice Hall ISBN 978 0 13 196012 1 Hay Colin 2001 State theory In Jones R J Barry ed Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy Entries P Z Taylor amp Francis pp 1469 1475 ISBN 978 0 415 24352 0 Joseph Jonathan 2004 Social theory an introduction NYU Press ISBN 978 0 8147 4277 8 Malesevic Sinisa 2002 Ideology legitimacy and the new state Yugoslavia Serbia and Croatia Routledge ISBN 978 0 7146 5215 3 Nelson Brian T 2006 The making of the modern state a theoretical evolution Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978 1 4039 7189 0 Rueschemeyer Dietrich Skocpol Theda Evans Peter B 1985 Bringing the State Back In Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 31313 9 Salmon Trevor C 2008 Issues in international relations Taylor amp Francis US ISBN 978 0 415 43126 2 Sartwell Crispin 2008 Against the state an introduction to anarchist political theory SUNY Press ISBN 978 0 7914 7447 1 Scott James C 2009 The art of not being governed an anarchist history of upland Southeast Asia Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 15228 9 Skinner Quentin 1989 The state In Ball T Farr J Hanson R L eds Political Innovation and Conceptual Change Cambridge University Press pp 90 131 ISBN 0 521 35978 3 Vincent Andrew 1992 Conceptions of the State In Paynter John et al eds Encyclopedia of government and politics Psychology Press ISBN 978 0 415 07224 3 Further reading EditBarrow Clyde W 2002 The Miliband Poulantzas Debate An Intellectual History In Aronowitz Stanley Bratsis Peter eds Paradigm lost state theory reconsidered University of Minnesota Press ISBN 978 0 8166 3293 0 Bottomore T B ed 1991 The State A Dictionary of Marxist thought 2nd ed Wiley Blackwell ISBN 978 0 631 18082 1 Bratsis Peter 2006 Everyday Life and the State Paradigm ISBN 978 1 59451 219 3 Faulks Keith 2000 Classical Theories of the State and Civil Society Political sociology a critical introduction NYU Press ISBN 978 0 8147 2709 6 Feldbrugge Ferdinand J M ed 2003 The law s beginning Martinus Nijhoff Publishers ISBN 978 90 04 13705 9 Fisk Milton 1989 The state and justice an essay in political theory Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 38966 2 Friedeburg Robert von 2011 State Forms and State Systems in Modern Europe Institute of European History Green Penny amp Ward Tony 2009 Violence and the State In Coleman Roy et al eds State Power Crime Sage p 116 ISBN 978 1 4129 4805 0 Hall John A ed 1994 The state critical concepts Vol 1 amp 2 Taylor amp Francis ISBN 978 0 415 08683 7 Hansen Thomas Blom Stepputat Finn eds 2001 States of imagination ethnographic explorations of the postcolonial state Duke University Press ISBN 978 0 8223 2798 1 Hoffman John 1995 Beyond the state an introductory critique Polity Press ISBN 978 0 7456 1181 5 Hoffman John 2004 Citizenship beyond the state Sage ISBN 978 0 7619 4942 8 Jessop Bob 1990 State theory putting the Capitalist state in its place Penn State Press ISBN 978 0 271 00735 9 Jessop Bob 2009 Redesigning the State Reorienting State Power and Rethinking the State In Leicht Kevin T Jenkins J Craig eds Handbook of Politics State and Society in Global Perspective Springer ISBN 978 0 387 68929 6 Lefebvre Henri 2009 Brenner Neil Elden Stuart eds State space world selected essays University of Minnesota Press ISBN 978 0 8166 5317 1 Long Roderick T amp Machan Tibor R 2008 Anarchism minarchism is a government part of a free country Ashgate Publishing ISBN 978 0 7546 6066 8 Mann Michael 1994 The Autonomous Power of the State Its Origins Mechanisms and Results In Hall John A ed The State critical concepts Volume 1 Taylor amp Francis ISBN 978 0 415 08680 6 Oppenheimer Franz 1975 The state Black Rose Books ISBN 978 0 919618 59 6 Poulantzas Nicos amp Camiller Patrick 2000 State power socialism Verso ISBN 978 1 85984 274 4 Sanders John T amp Narveson Jan 1996 For and against the state new philosophical readings Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 0 8476 8165 5 Scott James C 1998 Seeing like a state how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 07815 2 Taylor Michael 1982 Community anarchy and liberty Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 27014 4 Zippelius Reinhold 2010 Allgemeine Staatslehre Politikwissenschaft 16th ed C H Beck Munich ISBN 978 3406603426 Uzgalis William 5 May 2007 John Locke Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy External links EditLook up state estate or status in Wiktionary the free dictionary Quotations related to State at Wikiquote Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title State polity amp oldid 1053013589, wikipedia, wiki, book,

books

, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.